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Tuticorin: Queen of the Pearl Fishery Coast

Tuticorin: Queen of the Pearl Fishery Coast

Dr. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Ph.D
Professor of Maritime History
Visva-Bharati University
Santiniketan, West Bengal

The Pearl Fishery Coast emerged immensely in the medieval period owing to strong commercial and political connections and the port of Kayal then situated in the north of the estuary of river Tamiraparani was famous for horse trade under the rule of Pandyas (1293-1328). It had direct maritime contacts with Aden and Hormuz in West Asia.1 During the Yuan (1281-1368) and Ming periods (1368-1500) Chinese traders began to visit Kayal on their way to Quilon (Kollam) on the West Coast and so direct trade contacts also expanded to East and South East Asia. Chinese pottery was imported in huge quantities when the Tamil ambassadorial missions had sailed from Kayal to the Chinese court in 1408, 1411, 1412, 1421, 1423, 1430 1433 and 1436. As a result, export of various commodities such as pearl, coral, precious stones, textiles both cotton and silk, animals and aromatic roots flourished.2

Portuguese though arrived at Calicut (Kozhikodu) in 1498 to purchase pepper and spices, they learnt about the flourishing trade of Kayal in the Tamil littoral. They aimed to trade and succeeded in purchasing pearls and corals at Kayal in 1508 and exported to Lisbon. They also then established a small trading factory there and issued cartazes (passes/permits) to the sailing vessels of the natives as they declared the mare clausum (closed sea policy).3 Kayal came to be known as Palaya (old) Kayal when the new settlement of Punnai Kayal sprang up with the parava Christians after their conversion in 1536. It was located at the southern banks of river Tamiraparani.4 The name Palaya Kayal thereafter appears in the Portuguese records since 1 August 1544. The Tamil Muslims at that time preferred to settle down at Kayalpattinam and it was located little far away to the south of Punnai Kayal. With the abandonment of old Kayal the name Calepatano (Kayalpattinam) appears in the Portuguese records since 22 April 1547.5 The port of Tuticorin (Thuthukkudi) came into prominence between 1542 and 1658 under the patronage of the Portuguese. With their advent significant religious and societal changes took place. Tuticorin became the queen of the Pearl Fishery Coast. This paper throws light on its urban growth and institutional developments.

Aspects of Urban Genesis in Tuticorin: Portuguese and the Rise of the Povacao (Settlement)

The King of Portugal appointed Cosme de Paiva in 1542 as captain of the pearl fishery coast and he took residence at Tuticorin to protect the paravas against the enemies and also against attacks of sea pirates.6 The port had the shape of a horse shoe with its opening facing towards the Gulf of Mannar. It emerged as the main centre of pearl fishing in 1570 when Punnai Kayal declined.7 Tuticorin is referred to as Tytucurim, Tutucurim, Tutocorim and Tucucurij in the Portuguese documents.8 The tax on pearl fishery was collected by the agent of the Pandya ruler and he was cordial with the Portuguese. The attacks of the Vijayanagara kings at Punnai Kayal in 1560 demanding tax prompted the Portuguese to move their commercial activities to Tuticorin. Pearl fishing was conducted by the Portuguese and it flourished at Tuticorin as confirmed in a letter written on 6 December 1577 from Tuticorin by Fr. Henrique Henriques to the Jesuit Superior General in Rome.9 In the year 1587 the revenue derived from the pearl fishery consisted of 161 quintals of seed pearls and eight pearls. These were exported to Lisbon.10
The Pandya chieftain at Tirunelveli made a claim for tax when pearl fishing was not conducted owing to the absence of pearl banks in 1596.11 He continued to demand a tax of 1000 panams from the parava inhabitants of Tuticorin.12 Angered by the refusal of the paravas to pay the taxes, the Pandya chieftain Alagan Perumal Athivirarama alias Srivallabha II (1564-1606) sacked the port of Tuticorin and took the Jesuit Rector as prisoner in 1603.13 The paravas therefore migrated to the neighbouring places and decided not to return to Tuticorin. They did not also mind about the Pandya ruler since the King of Portugal was accepted by them as their sovereign ruler who gave protection and looked after their welfare.14

The pearl fishery was seasonal as it very much depended on the ecology. The expulsion of the Jesuits from the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1605 for a period of sixteen years owing to disputes with the Portuguese Viceroy in Goa hampered the smooth operation of pearl fishing. In the mean while, Pedro Soares de Brito was appointed as Captain of Tuticorin, the chief settlement of the paravas and the Portuguese, to bring the law and order situation to normalcy at this place. Although he was successful in his attempts to restore peace in Tuticorin, disputes between the Jesuits and the Franciscans concerning the control over the parish church of St. Peter in Tuticorin was not resolved.15 In Portuguese records of 1611 it was reported that the pearl fishery had not been conducted for, as many as six years continuously on account of the disputes.16 Jacques de Couttre, the traveller who visited the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1611 confirms that it was so while he was at Tuticorin.17

The pearl fishery which was resumed in 1621 earned a revenue of 12,000       xerafins.18 The paravas and the Portuguese evinced much enthusiasm when pearl fishing resumed in 1621 at Tuticorin owing to the abundant presence of pearl banks.19 It was only some years later, i.e. 1624 the Portuguese merchants in Cochin (Kochi)  began to buy pearls from Tuticorin. This is evident from a letter written from Goa in January 1624 by the Viceroy of India to the King of Portugal.20 It was at this time that the Dutch in Pulicat (Pazhaverkadu) were also attempting to settle down at Tuticorin. The local people objected to their intrusion and reacted quickly by informing the Portuguese Viceroy in Goa to take immediate steps to prevent the Dutch entry in Tuticorin.21

The Jesuits who were expelled from the Pearl Fishery Coast in 1605 because of the conflicts with the Bishop of Cochin did not return until 1630.22 Another main reason was that the Jesuits had also instigated the paravas not to pay taxes and levies to the Portuguese authorities.23 Fr. Rubino, a Jesuit is reported to have gone to the capital of the nayak of Madurai and pleaded for the reduction of annual tax on the paravas from 1000 pagodas to 800 pagodas. The nayak acceded to the request and further reduced the tax to 500 pagodas. In 1627 he is reported to have granted complete remission of tax arrears for a period of three years since the Sethupathi ruler of Ramanathapuram desired to control the pearl fishery region with the assistance of the Dutch East India Company.24 The paravas were asked by the nayak of Madurai in the year 1631 to pay 1000 pardaus as tax. However the nayak granted exemption from payment of tax thereafter when the pearl fishery turned unproductive.25

Four years later (1634) when pearl fishery was resumed, violence and factional fighting erupted among the Hindu paravas supported by the Sethupathi ruler of Ramanathapuram with the help of the Dutch and the Christian paravas. Therefore the Goan authorities had to send a fleet to control the situation.26 The nayak of Madurai who heard about the pearl fishery operations appointed one marakkayar (a Tamil Muslim instead of a Hindu official) to collect revenue and send it on to him. This Muslim official received several gifts including income from fixed pearl divers and was also allowed to use seven large boats for pearl fishing. He was also paid sixty chakrams as salary per month by the nayak of Madurai.27 However he could not do the job entrusted to him by the nayak as the Christian paravas did not care for him and continued to pay tribute to the Portuguese.

The tonis of Punnai Kayal and other Parava villages always went to Tuticorin where the pearl fishery was conducted under the protection of the Portuguese Captain. In 1634 and 1637 the Portuguese used armed vessels to protect the coast and prevented the marakkayar, the officer appointed by the nayak of Madurai from fishing pearls on the Pearl Fishery Coast.28 The nayak of Madurai once even sent his soldiers to Tuticorin in 1638 to fight the Portuguese. He demanded all the pearls fished by all the tonis to be given to him. The Portuguese were not prepared to part with the revenue in 1638. As this dispute could not be resolved, pearl fishery operations could not be carried on the next year.29 António Bocarro, the Portuguese chronicler in the 1640s said that the situation in the Kilakakarai-Mannar complex changed on account of the new political developments when the Sethupathis established their control over the region.30

With the drying up of pearl banks, the Portuguese authorities who wanted to expand their trading activities in the Pearl Fishery Coast could not remain idle having known the availability of saltpetre in the territory of the Madurai nayak. Pearl fishery was not held between 1605 and 1621. The Portuguese therefore encouraged the married settlers of Tuticorin to divert their attention to trade in saltpetre. The Assentos do Conselho do Estado (Proceedings of the State Council) at Goa acknowledged that the port of Tuticorin had the most productive hinterland for the procurement of saltpetre.31 It was found suitable for carrying on export trade resulting in the creation of a post of Captain and Ouvidor (judge) at Tuticorin.32 Accordingly Pedro Soares de Brito who was living in Cochin was appointed as the Captain of Tuticorin by Count de Linhares, the Portuguese Viceroy of India primarily to oversee the procurement of saltpetre in this region.33 The Captain of Tuticorin was thereupon conferred the title of O Contrador de salitre em toda de Pescaria i.e. the contractor of saltpetre for the  entire Fishery Coast.34

Since Portuguese official and commercial activities were centred around the port of Tuticorin, Dom Filippe II, the King of Portugal issued instructions to raise the revenue of the Portuguese Crown from the port.35 Tuticorin emerged as a casado settlement with married Portuguese settlers as early as 1587.The port had by then become the most famous pearl market and it is recorded that as many as fifteen varieties of pearls were sold there. People always preferred to buy the most perfect and the best pearls. There were many merchants and the main pearl merchant in 1611 was called Veera Pandi Chetti.36 Thus pearl fishery remained a major source from which the Portuguese derived their wealth in Tuticorin and used it to enhance their power in the Pearl Fishery Coast.  According to the list of officials at the various Portuguese settlements in India prepared in 1616, there was no Portuguese Captain appointed at the port of Tuticorin. The post was vacant at that time and the missionaries looked after the Paravas who declared the Crown of Portugal as their ruler.37

Missionaries and Liturgical Activities among the Parava Fishing Community

Portuguese missionaries who arrived on the pearl fishery region did commendable works. Franciscans were the pioneers who took up the evangelisation work.38 They preached to the Portuguese on Sundays and feast days in the church, heard confessions and attended to works of Christian charity.39 They were involved in Parava conversions en masse in the Pearl Fishery Coast from Punnai Kayal to Tuticorin.40 These Franciscans established a residence at Tuticorin and it was approved at the chapter meeting held in Goa during 1595.41 Dom Andre de S. Maria, the Bishop of Cochin welcomed them and handed over the residence of Madre de Deus (Mother of God) at Tuticorin to them.  Fr. Custos selected the missionaries who had to reside there.42

Francis Xavier, the Jesuit arrived in 1542 at the Pearl Fishery Coast and visited the Parava Christian villages and mainly attended to the spiritual needs of the people. In 1560 Fr. Henrique Henriques, another Jesuit started the work of consolidation of the faith of the converts by forming sodalities in Punnai Kayal and Tuticorin. He believed in the efficacy of Catholic education, Christian literature and promoting charitable institutions in strengthening the faith of the Parava converts.43 Fr. Henriques laid stress on the free will in all matters of conversions. He did not want to interfere in the prevailing caste system both within the Church as well as outside. This did not mean that others like Francis Xavier used force. Thus all in all the missionaries were very successful in their endeavours directed towards evangelisation. They encouraged the local converts to adopt names of Catholic saints and also as found in Portuguese. Padre Ruy Vicente, the Papal Visitor from Rome who wrote about the state of the missions in the Pearl Fishery Coast during 1582 stated that he found among the Parava Christians the true spirit of the primitive Church and among the priests, the spirit of the primitive Christian society.44

When the number of converts among paravas increased, missionaries also introduced the system of appointing pattangattis from among the Paravas as chiefs of the villages. Thus Lazaro Vaz and Manuel da Cruz were appointed as pattangattis of Punnaikayal and Tuticorin respectively to take care of the Christians in the absence of the missionaries.45 It is reported that there were three priests and one brother at the Jesuit House of Our Lady of Snow in Tuticorin in 1592.46 The number swelled to six Jesuits there the next year. The missionaries took pastoral care and also attended to the Parava well being.47

For the first time in 1538, a chapel was erected by Fr. Pedro Goncalves, the Franciscan at Tuticorin dedicated to St. Pedro (Peter) in 1538.48 When Francis Xavier, the Jesuit missionary arrived at Tuticorin he stayed there and offered Holy Mass in this chapel (within the campus of present day Bishops’ House).49 In the Jesuit Annual letter of the year 1574 it is mentioned that this chapel was converted into a church.50

When the number of converts was on the increase another Church (near the present day Jesuit House facing the port) dedicated to Our Lady of Mercy (Nossa Senhora da Piedade) was built in 1582 by the Jesuits in Tuticorin.51 The prosperous paravas also generously contributed 800 cruzados towards its construction.52 The consecration of this second Church at Tuticorin took place on 5 August 1582.53 In this stone church the Feast of Our Lady of Snow was introduced and celebrated. It is recorded that more than 600 Christians had received the Holy Communion in that year.54 A third church is also reported to have been built in honour of the Holy Cross in Tuticorin (near the present day Holy Cross Convent).

With the process of Christianization sacerdotal practices were slowly introduced. The Portuguese missionaries at first wanted the parava converts to follow the calendar of feasts. According to Christian Calendar, the Church festivals represented a special time. The missionaries felt then the need for celebrating these Christian festivals in gathering and mobilizing converts of all parava villages. Fr. Henriques was the first one to introduce Christian calendar and announced the Feast of All Saints. He also introduced the Tamil calendar to mark the festivals and feasts of the saints as found correspondingly in the Gregorian Calendar. The dates of movable Christian feasts of Ash Wednesday, Easter etc., besides other Christian feasts held from the year 1587 to 1614 were given in the Tamil book entitled ‘Lives of Saints’ printed by him.55 Thus, it is construed that the Portuguese missionaries in the Tamil Coast felt the need to organize the Christians to display their faith by celebrating various festivals.

The Feast of Our Lady of Snow at Tuticorin

With the rise of Bhakti religion in Tamil country after the Seventh Century, various Mother goddess (Sakti, the cosmic Power) worship emerged and they reached the height of importance in the Fourteenth century. This strong worship perhaps noticed by the Portuguese in the Sixteenth century helped them to introduce devotion Mary, the Mother of Jesus Christ although it was popular among the medieval Christians much earlier. In 1555 Portuguese missionaries brought a statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary from Manila and it was installed in the chapel at Punnai Kayal which they had built for the Parava converts.  It was called Nossa Senhora das Nevis (Our Lady of Snow). This wooden image was moved to Tuticorin in 1582 and it was installed in the Church of Nossa Senhora da Piedade (Our Lady of Mercy). The Festival of Our Lady was begun at that time and this new cult became popular and encouraged all the paravas to come together at that time.56 The first Mass in this church was celebrated on 5 August. The Feast of Our Lady of Snow attracted converts from all over the coast.57 In course of time it almost became a caste festival. The consolidation of their faith was shown there at that time. Like any Hindu festival it was also celebrated for nine days (with novena). It is said that the car procession used to take place at nightfall and it was marked by music and fireworks.58

A description of this festival in 1600 AD captures the part-Iberian and part-Tamil flavor that emerged. On the day of the feast of Our Lady of Snow, there were eleven sapparams (floats) in the processions. The Jesuits introduced the cult of saints like St. Peter, St. Paul, St. John the Baptist, St. Sebastian, St. Stephen and St. Christopher. The Jesuit Provincial carried the Holy Sacrament under a magnificent canopy preceded by the priests, with the seminarians dressed in the Portuguese fashion. The festivities lasted for another two days. It was the custom that on the feast day of the patron saint, the Jesuit College gave a dinner to the principal Christians of the Coast. The Jesuit Rector and an elderly Priest dined with them. During that year (AD 1600) the dinner was arranged in the new seminary built by the paravas themselves. There was a large mesai (table) where sat more than 100 persons. The paravas were much flattered by that mark of honour.59 The canonization of St. Francis Xavier and the festival held in Goa in 1623 added to the Christian celebration of saint’s feast in the Tamil country.

The Foundations for Rapid Urbanization: Institutions for Medical Care and Education in Tuticorin

The missionaries also played a key role to develop medical institutions to help the Tamil paravas. In 1550 a dispensary cum hospital was built at Punnai Kayal by Fr. Henrique Henriques. In his letter dated 12 January 1551 he mentioned that it was maintained through donations made by the Tamil Christians. With mobilization of money, expansion works were planned out in other centres in 1571. Four hospitals were set up at Manapadu, Virapandyanpattinam, Vaipaar and Tuticorin. A large contribution of money was made in proportion to the number of boats that took part in the pearl fishery at each pearl fishing season. This amount was deposited with a reliable person who spent the money in accordance with the instruction and direction of the Jesuits. He kept an exact account of the amount spent. When pearl fishing could not be carried out in certain years owing to natural conditions the Jesuits borrowed money from elsewhere and spent it for the upkeep of the hospitals in all the five places. An understanding developed at that time that the Tamil Parava Christians agreed to repay the loan later at the next pearl fishing season to the Jesuits for the actual sum borrowed and spent towards the hospital by the missionaries.60 Fr. Henriques in his letter dated 13 January 1575 communicated that an institution called ‘The confraternity of charity’ was formed by him in the Pearl Fishery Coast and two persons of this organization were deputed to serve in each hospital at the five centres every week.61

Fines which were imposed on various Portuguese officials came to be used for the hospital purposes. Rodrigues Coutinho, the Portuguese captain of the Pearl Fishery coast helped in the project. The captain who collected these fines sent the same to the administrator of the hospital. The Jesuits went often to help in the hospital primarily to see about the cleanliness.62 Since collections from alms and fines were not adequate for the upkeep of the hospital, Fr. Henriques ordered that fund raising should be carried out once a week.63 The hospital at Tuticorin grew bigger than the other centres sometime between 1588 and 1592. The paravas very generously contributed large sums towards maintenance of the hospital at Tuticorin in 1594.64

The Jesuits inaugurated a college and a seminary in 1594. In the annual letter of Fr. Cabral from Goa dated 29 November 1595 he mentioned that Tuticorin College and Seminary offered teaching Latin and moral science.65 A building was also raised for the seminary at Tuticorin in 1600.66 The paravas contributed three hundred cruzados towards it. This fact was communicated by Fr. Durao in a letter dated 4 December 1587 to the Jesuit Superior General in Rome.67 One Thomas de Gamboa, son of Ignatius de Amboa and Theodosia de Gomes born in Mylapore had joined the Society of Jesus and lived in the seminary. He was ordained as a priest on 27 July 1616 and served the Jesuit mission in the Tamil coast.68 In 1626 Fr. Manoel de Elvas was appointed by the Bishop of Cochin as the Rector of the Seminary in Tuticorin.69

With the printing of Tamil books such as Thambiran Vanakkam (20 October 1578) Krisittiyani Vanakkam (30 November 1579) Confessionario (28 May 1580) and Adiyar Varalaru (1586) the literary skills of the paravas had much developed. In course of time the need for schools arose. A Portuguese school and a Tamil school were opened in Tuticorin. It is recorded that twenty five children attended the Portuguese school while 155 went to the Tamil school in 1644.70 Thus printing in Tamil had a strong influence in the development of Christian literature. It helped the paravas and served as an eye-opener to have better education and social emancipation.

Eventually the Christian quarters came to be formed around its three churches. The Portuguese had erected a mud wall around the European quarters of Tuticorin and it was strong enough to withstand the attacks from enemies. The walls of the town were pulled down in a fight between the captain of Tuticorin and the Jesuits concerning the control of the church of St. Peter at Tuticorin.71 As the Dutch occupied Tuticorin on 1 February 1658 they immediately took possession of the three spacious churches. It had been reported that Tuticorin at that time was a town without walls, ditches and gates.72


The pearl fishing industry and trade indicated the development of economy in Tuticorin which was in a large measure based on the seaborne resources.  Next we find the land based saltpetre trade had attracted the attention of the Portuguese. The location of Tuticorin had certain natural advantages and so elephants were imported from Sri Lanka in large ships and the animal trade flourished with the Nayaka court in Madurai.73 However, the effective penetration of the Portuguese was achieved through missionary work. The religious aspects of economic organization and economic aspects of religious organization complemented each other in the urban growth of Tuticorin.

Notes and References

1. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, “Medieval Trade of the Tamil Coast and its Hinterland, AD 1280-1500”, The Indian Historical Review, Vol. XXV, No.2, January 1999,  pp. 1-37.

2. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Portuguese in the Tamil Coast: Historical Explorations in Commerce and Culture, 1507-1749, Nava Jyothi Publishing House, Pondicherry, 1998, pp.28-29, p.38, pp. 62-64.

3. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Industry and Trade of the Portuguese on the Eastern Coast of India: A Study of the Port of Kayal, 1519-1546, Proceedings of the South Indian History Congress, Eleventh Session, Calicut, 1991, pp. 67-73.

4. Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, (hereafter ARSI) Roma, Mss. Goa, Vol. 37, fls.31v-32r. In 1532 when trouble arose between the Paravas and the Muslims in the South Eastern Coast of India, the Franciscan missionaries and the Portuguese lost no time to take advantage of the situation. According to contemporary accounts, the trouble is said to have started when a Parava lady was insulted by a Muslim when she was buying a paniyaram (rice cake). The lady reported the matter to her husband who picked up a quarrel with the Muslim. The latter in his anger tore the earlobe of the Parava. In the estimation of the Paravas to have one's earlobe torn out was a great insult to the whole community and thus a serious dispute arose between the Paravas and the Muslims. As a result, the Paravas refused to undertake pearl fishing for the Muslims. João da Cruz, a horse dealer at this time is reported to have suggested to the Paravas to approach the Portuguese in Cochin for support and help. The Portuguese requested them to become Christians and assured to provide them protection. Hence in the same year, three Franciscan priests went to the Pearl Fishery Coast and converted the Paravas en masse.

5. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Portuguese in the Tamil Coast…op.cit., p.54.

6. Instituto Arquivo Nacionais/ Torrre do Tombo, (hereafter IANTT) Lisboa, Portugal, Mss. Chacelaria de Dom Joao III, Livro 21, fl.39.

7. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, “Dimensions of Urban Development in the Portuguese Trading Settlement of Punnaikayal on the Tamil Coast, 1547-1579”, Boletim do Instituto  Menezes de Braganca, Vol. 170, 1994, pp.177-195.

8. Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, História do Descobrimento e Conquista da India Pelos Portugueses, Porto, 1975, VIII, p.173; Gaspar Correia, Lendas  da India, Porto 1975, III, p.823; Jose Wicki, Documenta Indica, (hereafter D.I.) Vols. 1-18, Roma, 1948-88, Vol. XIII, pp. 184-186.

9. See the letter of Fr. Henrique Henriques to the Jesuit Superior General dated 6 December 1577 in D.I, Vol. XIII, pp.184-86.

10. Archivo General de Simancas, (hereafter AGS) Valladolid, Spain, Mss. Secretarias Provinciales, Codice 1551, fls.204-215.

11. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.33, fl.326, No.14; See also, Tikiri Abeysinghe, A Study of the Portuguese Regimentos on Sri Lanka at the Goa Archives, Colombo. n.d, p.6.

12. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.47, fl.365.  

13. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.66, fl.3-3v. 

14. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 66, fls.2-7.

15. Historical Archives of Goa, Panjim, India, Mss. Monções do Reino, (hereafter MDR) Livro 17, fl.95.

16. Letter of King Filippe to Viceroy Rui Lourenço de Tavora in Goa dated 20 February 1610 in Bulhão Pato, Documentos Remetidos da India, Vol. I, Lisbon, 1880, p. 342.

17. Teensma (ed.) Jacques de Couttre, Madrid, 1990, p. 242.

18. Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital Evora, (hereafter BPADE) Mss, CV/ 2-7, fl. 57v; Biblioteca da Ajuda, (hereafter BA) Lisboa, Mss.Codice, 51-v-36, fl.37.

19. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, (hereafter BNL) Mss. Reservados, See, Andre Coelho, Relação de muita importancia que trata das fortalezas prisidiose feitorias que o inimigo Olandes tem nestas da India 1621, Codex 638, fl.5.

20. Bulhao Pato, Documentos Remetidos da India ou Livros da Moncoes, Vol. X, Lisboa, 1972, p. 48.

21. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado, 5 Vols. Goa, 1953-83, See Vol. I, Part I, (1624-1627) pp.66-67.

22. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol. I, p.361; For conflicts and disorder in 1610 and 1612, see Livro1, fl.24; Livro 5, fl.75 and fl.126.

23. "Side lights on South Indian History from the Letters and Records of the
Contemporary Jesuit Missionaries (1542-1756)”, St. Joseph's College Magazine, Trichnopoly, Vol.18, No. 14, 1929, p. 173.

24. Madurai Province Jesuit Archives, (hereafter MPJA) Shenbaganur, Litterae Annuae, Vol. III, p. 22, Vol. VIII, p.16,18 and 30.

25. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol.47, fl. 365v.

26. HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 19C, fls.1166-67; Livro 20, fl. 45v.

27. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol. I, Document No.18.

28. HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 19B, 27/2-4, See also Livro 40, fl. 69; AGS, Mss. Secretarias Provinciales, Codice 1490, fl.194; Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, (Hereafter AHU) Lisboa, Mss. India, Caixa 6, see the document dated 1 December 1619.

29. HAG, Mss. MDR, Livro 10 D, 44/2/2, fl.1166.

30. Antonio Bocarro, Decada 13, da Historia da India, 2 Vols, Lisboa, 1876, pp.368-369.

31. Pissurlencar, Assentos do Conselho do Estado…op.cit., Vol. I. Part II. Document no.34, p.66. (13 and 15 October 1625).

32. Ibid., Vol. I. No.86, p.258. (6 February 1630).

33. Ibid., Vol. II. pp.6-18, 70-17, 84-85; Braganca Perreira, Arquivo Portuguez Oriental "Livro das plantas de todas as fortalezas cidades e povações do Estado da Índia Oriental" in Tomo IV, Vol. II,  Part I, Bastora, Goa, 1935. The Viceroy suspected the Jesuits of collecting taxes and tolls on Paravas and so he wanted to put an end to it. This was another reason for appointing and immediately filling up the vacant post of the captain at Tuticorin. 

34. Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra, (hereafter BUC) Mss. Carta Geral dos Servidores do Estado da India em 1635, No.459, fls.234-240.

35. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 33, fl.326. For the royal order of King of Filippe II, see IANTT, Chancellaria de Dom Filippe II, Livro 3, fl.103 (4 February 1610).

36. Teensma, (ed.,) Jacques de Couttre, Madrid, 1990, p. 243.

37. See "Lista de todos as Capitanias e Cargos que ha na India E sua Estimacaoe Rendimento Porcao mais ou menos" (as dated 14 November 1616) in Revista Portuguesa Colonial e Maritima, Lisboã, 1900-1901, pp.344-353.

38. D.I, Vol. I, p. 97.

39. Elaine Sancaeu, Colecao de São Lourenco, 3 Vols, Lisboa, 1973-83, Vol. II, p. 382. Fr. João Villa de Conde complained to the Viceroy of Goa in his letter 22 April 1547 that many Paravas of the fishery coast had migrated and they resided in the region between Kilakkarai and Vedalai.

40. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 38. fl. 307.

41. See, Fernando Felix Lopez, Missóes Franciscans na India Oriental em 1595 Casa Pessoal e Legislação, 1953.

42. See, Achilles Meersmen, The Franciscans in Tamilnad, Schoneck Beckenried, 1962.

43. J. Wicki, "The Confraternity of Christianity of Henrique Henriques", Indian Church History Review, Vol. 1, March, 1967, p. 4.

44. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1582, fl. 3.

45. HAG, MDR, Livro 19D, Codice 24-26/3-4.

46. D.I, Vol. XVI, Letter no.53, p.17.

47. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Societal Changes: Portuguese and the Native Christians in Tamil Country (Cir. 1537-1759), in K.S. Mathew, T.R. De Sousa, & Pius Malekandathil, (eds.,) The Portuguese and Socio-Cultural Changes in India, 1500-1800, Tellicherry, 2001, pp. 479-513, see pp.483- 488.

48. HAG, MDR Livro 11, Codice 7/14/5, fl.96.

49. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 47, fls.758-759.

50. D.I., Vol. VIII, p.47.

51. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1583, see the letter of Fr. Diogo to Fr. Aqua Viva dated 15 December 1582.

52. D.I. Vol. XII, p. 718; ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 55, fl. 15.

53. ARSI, Mss. Goa, Vol. 20, fls.51-55; See also, see the letter of Fr. Nunes Rodrigues dated 30 December 1582 written from Cochin in Mss. Goa, Vol. 55, fl. 43.

54. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1583; See also, A. Roche, Fishermen of Coromandel, New Delhi, 1984, p.52.

55. S. Rajamanickam, Adiyar Varalaru, (Flos Sanctorum) Tuticorin, 1967, pp.666-667.

56. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1583, fl. 3.

57. D.I, Vol. XII, pp.717-718.

58. D.I, Vol. XI, p. 817.

59. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1600, fls.3-4.

60. D.I, Vol. VII, pp.170-171; Vol. VIII, pp.478-480.

61. D.I, Vol. IX, pp.603-604.

62. D.I, Vol. II, pp.161-162; See also the letter of Fr. Henriques to Fr. Lainez in December 1561.

63. D.I, Vol. II, p. 392.

64. D.I, Vol. XV, Document No.84, pp.109-111;  D.I., Vol. XVI, p. 56; See also, Antonio da Silva Rego, Documentacao Para a Historia das Missoes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente, 12 Vols, Lisboa,1947-1958, Vol. X, p.320.

65.  D.I, Vol. XVII, Letter no.46, paragraph no. 165.

66. ARSI, Litterae Annuae: Provinciae Malabrensis, 1600, fls.3-5.

67. D.I, Vol. XIV, Document no.104 and 105.

68. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, Caste, Catholic Christianity and the Language of Conversion: Social Change and Cultural Translation in Tamil Country, 1519-1774, Kalpaz Publications, New Delhi, 2008.

69. Boletim do Filomoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, (hereafter BFUP) Vol.XII, 1959, p.442.

70. See the Litterae Annuae of Fr. Andre Lopez in L. Besse, La Mission du Madure, Trichnopoly, 1914, pp. 15-21; See also, J. Bertrand, La Mission du Madure, IV Vols, Paris, 1847-1854, pp. 456-458.
71. F.C. Danvers and William Foster, Letters received by the English East India Company from its Servants in the East (1602-1617), 6 Vols, London, 1896-1902, See, Vol. I, (1602-1613) London, 1896, p.9; See also, HAG, MDR, Livro.17, fl.95.
72. Philip Baldeaus, A True and Exact Description of the Most Celebrated East India Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel as well as of the Isle of Ceylon with their Adjacent Kingdom and Provinces, 1672,  London,1703, reprint, New Delhi, 2000, p. 648.

73. S. Jeyaseela Stephen, “The Nayaks of Tamil Country and the Portuguese Trade in War Animals”, in Pius Malekandathil & T. Jamal Mohammed (eds.,) The Portuguese, the Indian Ocean & European Bridgeheads, 1500-1800, Tellicherry, 2001, pp. 212-222.

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